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>The Future of the U.S. Military Presence in Iraq

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This morning I attended The United States Institute of Peace (USIP) panel concerning The Future of the U.S. Military Presence in Iraq. It featured Kimberly Kagan of The Institute for the Study of War, Colin Kahl of The Center for a New American Security, Charles Knight of The Project on Defense Alternatives at the Commonwealth Institute, and Rend al-Rahim of the USIP. The panel was moderated by Daniel Serwer, also of USIP. Also in attendance was Marc Lynch, better known as the author of Abu Aardvark. Lynch reports:

To very briefly summarize, Kimberly Kagan laid out the familiar argument for the surge’s success and the great progress being made, with more nuance and caveats than in some of her op-eds (but still drawing this from Colin Kahl: “I guess I see the glass half-empty, and Kim sees the glass as… overflowing”). Charles Knight gave a highly cogent presentation of the Commonwealth Institute’s “Quickly, Carefully, Generously” report, arguing passionately that there will be no real political reconciliation until American military forces leave. Colin Kahl presented the Center for a New American Security’s “Shaping the Iraqi Inheritance” report calling for “conditional engagement”, arguing for the need to move away from ‘Iraq centrism’ (strategic interests actually exist beyond Iraq’s borders, if you can believe it) and ‘Iraq maximalism’ (holding our policies hostage to outcomes manifestly beyond our capabilities to produce). Finally, Rend al-Rahim laid out a devastating depiction of Iraq’s current situation, and – perhaps surprisingly – offered a wholehearted endorsement of Kahl’s description of Iraq and policy recommendations.

Charles Knight spoke about the impact of the refugee crisis in Iraq: “The price we and others are paying for these blunders is not measured in blood and treasure alone – although these costs are already terribly high.” He pointed to the Task Force report, which addresses one example of the extraordinary costs of the war:

There are now millions of refugees and millions of internally displaced persons, totally nearly 15% of the Iraq population. The displacement of a proportional number of Americans would mean: 45 million forced from their homes, the equivalent of emptying out the population of America’s ten largest cities. This happened under the American watch in Iraq. It is an immense failure for an occupying power; one we still respond to in the most “care less” of ways.

I noted that only two of the four panelists, Colin Kahl and Rend al-Rahim, used the phrase “sustainable security” in regard to the future of Iraq. In all my shaky earnestness, I got up to the microphone and pointed out this fact, and then proceeded to ask the first question in Q&A session:

“My question pertains to the ongoing process of securing peace in Iraq. In the opinion of the panelists, how is the future of peace in Iraq effected by the ticking time-bomb of 4.7 million displaced Iraqis, and what are the potential future effects of this deepening crisis, such as the unmet needs of those with no access to livelihoods?”

Rend al-Rahim replied that the dire conditions in which large numbers of refugees in Syria and Jordan live could breed radicalization, and therefore make refugees prone to taking extremist positions. Colin Kahl emphasized that clear and well-enforced property rights laws for returning internally displaced persons and refugees will be very important in securing a peaceful transition to regular life once refugees are resettled, but this will be a difficult task. Kahl also suggested that the IDPs be allowed to vote in the upcoming elections.

I applaud their recognition of the huge role that vulnerable refugees will play in the future and for understanding that the reactions of the displaced will have a huge impact on the future of Iraq and therefore should be considered when discussing America’s role in the conflict.

Photo Caption: Panelists speak about the future of the U.S. military in Iraq at a forum hosted by the United States Institute of Peace

>U.S. Expands Visa Program for Iraqi Allies

>The New York Times is reporting that the United States is expanding its visa program for Iraqi allies by 10 times. The expansion is specifically for Iraqi employees of the American government and armed forces, who faced threats because of their service. It expands the qualifications of those who are eligible to obtain visas and ultimately citizenship in the United States. Last year, Senators Kennedy and Smith created a similar plan, but this version is better because of its scale, because resettled persons receive assistance for eight months after being settled in the United States, and because applicants can apply from within Iraq.

According to Amelia Templeton, a refugee analyst at Human Rights First, “The visa programs grew largely because of the combined lobbying efforts of refugee experts, nonprofit organizations, United States government employees who worked in Iraq and American soldiers and marines.”

This is a welcome step towards the current administration addressing the refugee crisis, but the State Department and administration still must do more to meet the needs of the nearly five million displaced Iraqis, not just those who allied with coalition forces in Iraq.

>Making It…Nasser Nouri’s Story

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Yesterday, I attended a briefing by the House Oversight Subcommittee on National Security and Foreign Affairs which included special guests Jonathan Finer and Naseer Nouri. Jonathan Finer worked as a journalist covering the conflict in Iraq in 2003 and again in 2005, in addition to covering the refugee crisis in Syria and Jordan. Naseer Nouri, the briefing’s most prominent speaker, worked as an Iraqi journalist and interpreter for the Washington Post from 2003 to 2008.

The Tulsa, Oklahoma (USA) graduate, former pilot and aircraft engineer fell into a job with the Washington Post after a chance encounter with Anthony Shadid, the Post‘s Pulitzer Prize-winning foreign correspondent who was covering the looting in Baghdad following the fall of the regime. After a number of meetings with Shadid, either at Nouri’s house, where Shadid was welcomed by his family, or at the hotel where Shadid was staying, he introduced Nouri to Rajiv Chandrasekaran, the Washington Post Baghdad bureau chief, and then Nouri started working with him, which brought about his interest in journalism. The looters had broken into Nouri’s travel agency and were hauling off anything of value. Shadid couldn’t help but notice Nouri yelling at the looters, and they agreed to meet later to discuss the experience. When Shadid discovered Nouri’s near-fluency in English, he offered Nouri a job as a translator for the Post‘s Baghdad bureau.

Nouri explains: “Until then, I had mostly used newspapers to clean windows. After a number of meetings with Shadid, either at my house, where he was welcomed by my family, or at the hotel where he was staying, I became very interested about journalism. With time, I moved from translation to writing.”

Proud of his new career, in which he could ensure that the history of Iraq was written correctly, news of Nouri’s career move spread throughout his neighborhood. Then, in the span of 15 days, events occurred that changed Nouri and his family’s life forever. Twice, a group of men narrowly missed abducting his youngest daughter, while Al Qaeda succeeded in kidnapping his 15 year old nephew. In a separate incident, his nephue escaped his captors by claiming to use the restroom. Other family members were also targeted. His brother in-law was killed by men in police uniform when he was on his way to Baghdad from Kirkuk, at the north east of Baghdad. He came to bring Nouri’s family some money so they could obtain passports and be able to travel to Amman.

Nouri took his family to Amman, Jordan to keep them safe. Facing numerous obstacles to a better life there, he knew he had to try to get his family to America. Applying to the UNHCR in February 2007, Nouri wasn’t accepted until the 21rst of May 2008. In America, Nouri and his family still face tremendous challenges not unlike the other “lucky” refugees who make it to America, in a system not fully prepared to resettle families. Our Iraqi allies who make it to the United States have considerable talents, which if utilized contribute to society. Instead, many refugees are forced to take low paying jobs that don’t match their professional skill sets and educational experience. According to Mr. Nouri, the best thing we can do is to set up a system that fully integrates Iraqi refugees into society, from getting them here to making sure that parents have proper jobs and their children are properly educated. Think about how frustrating it must be for an Iraqi teenager to have to start school many grade levels below their peers once they get to America.

Nouri and Finer agreed that, even if the U.S. meets its goal of admitting 12,000 Iraqi refugees for this fiscal year, in addition to admitting another 5,000 Iraqis through the Special Immigrant Visa program, the U.S. effort is a drop in the bucket considering both the scale of the crisis, over 2 million refugees and over 2.7 million internally displaced, and the U.S.’s moral obligation to its Iraqi allies. No matter you feel about the war, we can all agree that the U.S. must do more to raise its admittance goals and take care of vulnerable Iraqis, even once they make it to the United States. Vulnerable Iraqis should not be forced to choose between a life of poverty and mortal danger.

Photo Caption: A recent photograph of Nasser Nouri

>Improved Iraqi Army and the Latest ICG Report

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I found an interesting article released by the Associated Press last week about the improving capacity of the Iraqi army, entitled “US pleased, worried by newfound Iraqi confidence.” The reporter talked with high ranking military personnel in both the American and Iraqi armies. In an interview, American officers credited the new-found confidence of the Iraqi army to its transformative performance in the battle in Basra in March, followed by offensives in Mosul and Sadr City. The emerging strength of the Iraqi army is an encouraging sign that America may soon be able to responsibly draw down its troop presence. However, a stronger and more assertive Iraqi army also creates concerns on the part of Americans. Given the weakness of Iraq’s civilian institutions, the reduction in U.S. control “feeds a worry that Iraqi security forces will either set themselves up for a catastrophic failure or might even decide – at some point when the Americans have largely departed – that the country would be better off under military rule.”

Also, the International Crisis Group recently released a report entitled, “Failed Responsibility: Iraqi Refugees in Syria, Jordan and Lebanon”. Despite the current security improvements that Iraq is seeing, in terms of the number displaced, the refugee crisis continues to be one of the most massive in the world. The international community and the Iraqi government in particular have failed to meet their responsibilities in providing for vulnerable Iraqis. The ICG report details the serious challenges yet to be adequately addressed and recommends genuine actions that the United States, Iraq, and other members of the international community should take to meet their responsibility to the Iraqi people.

Photo Caption: Members of the Iraqi military stand in line

>“We’ll keep drilling ‘til we run out of steel.”

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As part of EPIC’s continued interest in sustainable development in Iraq, I attended a panel discussion on Dr. Reuben Brigety’s report, Humanity as a Weapon of War at the Center for American Progress. I was delighted to hear the panelist’s views, and to hear open discourse on the topic of humanitarian efforts and roles.

Shidley, Kenya, June 2007: The U.S. Armed Forces come across a settlement of 100 families near the border of Somalia. Anticipating an influx of Somali refugees fleeing their war-torn homeland, the Pentagon sends in the Navy’s Seabees to help the settlement secure a source of clean water.

Five months of drilling, one quarter of a million dollars, and two failed wells later: U.S. Navy Seabees finally cease attempts to drill for water. The first attempt brought up brackish, undrinkable water, the second attempt never actually reached water. By then, only twenty of the settlement’s residents remained. Given that the residents were members of a nomadic tribe, it turns out that the settlement was only temporary.

“By contrast, an underground well dug by civilian humanitarian agencies typically costs around $10,000,” reports Dr. Reuben Brigety, Director of the Sustainable Security Program at the Center for American Progress, in his new report, Humanity as a Weapon of War. The report investigates the role of the US military in humanitarian actions overseas.

Attempts by the military to reach into the humanitarian sector, such as the wells in Kenya, is a prime example of the blurred role of the Armed Forces and State Department which surrounds the debate over American foreign policy. Increasingly, the military’s role in providing security goes hand in hand with development assistance.

The United States is working towards “sustainable security” as part of its long term plan for security success in countries that could potentially, or have previously, posed a threat to the United States. Security though sustainability is becoming a real part of the discourse on long-term peace building operations abroad.

“With chaos inside Somalia threatening the stability of the region and enabling the rise of extremism, using U.S. military assets to perform a humanitarian mission serves a dual purpose. It shows the face of American compassion to a skeptical population while also giving the military an eye on activity in the area. Winning ears and minds with an ear to the ground is the new American way of war.”

The Navy’s plan to drill for water in Kenya had a ring of benevolence, but in reality, resulted in utter failure. Have we witnessed a failure such as this before, and exactly what should the role of Armed Forces be in the larger context of United State’s humanitarian role overseas? Deputy Assistant Administrator for the U.S. Agency for International Development says that, while the USAID welcomes the logistical support of the Armed Forces and Department of Defense, the role of the Armed Forces in humanitarian actions overseas is, at most, a support role, and should remain as such.

The world has seen what happens when the United States Armed Forces suddenly acquires the broad mandate of “nation builder” without adequate preparation, experience or expertise. In 2003, EPIC Director Erik Gustafson questioned President Bush’s decision to put the Pentagon in charge of rebuilding Iraq instead of the State Department, or the United Nations who boasts “widely recognized international legitimacy in relief and reconstruction, extensive resources and expertise and a long history of working with Iraqi civil servants and NGOs.”

In the article, Gustafson argues that nation-building efforts led by the Pentagon will not help the United States or Iraq. Rather, “It will more likely become a lightning rod for Iraqi and international cynicism, fuel doubts about U.S. motives, deepen rifts with our allies, infuriate the Arab World, feed terrorism and further destabilize the Middle East.”

Be it wells in Kenya, or the infrastructure of a country of 26 million [Iraq], the United States Armed Forces are not specialized in rebuilding, planning, or methods to work with local civilians to move that population towards security. Sometimes the military is the only presence in a devastated area, and the only resource available to attend to humanitarian crises, but this is a far cry from its normal function. Difficult situations can become rapidly more problematic when handled by those who are far from their designated positions.

Photo Caption: A Navy poster encouraging skilled laborers to join the Seabees as part of the war effort. Library of Congress

>NPR: U.S. Contractors Block Refugee Applications

>NPR is reporting that Iraqi employees who risked their lives working for U.S. firms are now able to apply for refugee status in the United States. To be eligible, Iraqis must obtain a letter from their employer confirming that they worked for an American company. However, according to the report, “some Iraqis tell NPR that U.S. contractors in Iraq reject requests for employment verification,” blocking their application for resettlement in the United States.

LISTEN TO THE NPR REPORT

>Campaigning for Iraq’s Disabled

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If you ever wonder whether one person can really change the world, Tiana Tozer has your answer. This Mercy Corps staff member was recently featured on MSNBC’s Making a Difference segment.

Using a wheelchair since she was hit by a drunk driver, Tiana’s positive outlook on life is inspiring others. Now she is heading to Iraq for a year to give a voice to Iraq’s disabled community. According to Mercy Corps, 90 percent of disabled Iraqis live in poverty, despite this Tiana’s campaign is showing that they are role models for the rest of Iraqi society on how to live together and overcome adversity.

Since 2003, Mercy Corps has invested in the capacity of people with disabilities by:

  • Supporting and training 33 disability-rights organizations and helping them form a Baghdad-based alliance to lobby the government on disability issues
  • Funding activities such as sewing workshops for deaf women, literacy classes for disabled children, and wheelchair sporting events for youth
  • Building new wheelchair-accessible parks, schools, community centers and sports complexes, and helping dozens of people with disabilities modify their private homes

“They told you that beauty is in the eye of the beholder. What they failed to tell you is that it is best seen with the eyes closed. What you look like isnít important. What is important is who you are inside and the choices you are making in your life.” Tiana Tozer: 1992 Paralympic silver and 1996 bronze medalist, women’s wheelchair basketball.

Photo Caption: Tiana Tozer on NBC Nightly News MercyCorps>

>Dan Rather: The High Price of Ransom

>A recent Dan Rather Report entitled “The High Price of Ransom,” details the plight of some Iraqi refugees caught in a difficult position while attempting to be admitted to the United States. HDNet, the online host for “Dan Rather Reports,” issued a press release describing Rather’s investigation: “’The High Price of Ransom’ tells the story of how hundreds of refugees from Iraq who were forced to pay ransom to kidnappers are stuck in an undetermined vacuum, with faltering hopes of getting out of the Middle East. The very reason for their flight, may now be what is keeping them from gaining refugee status in the United States.”

http://video.google.com/googleplayer.swf?docid=-1469864100217502273&hl=en&fs=true
“The High Price of Ransom” is the first 26 minutes of the video.