Image courtesy of RT News

Following the outbreak of civil war in Iraq in February 2006, hundreds of thousands of Iraqis fled to Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, Egypt, and Turkey, and more than 1.5 million became displaced within Iraq. Some families relocated to escape an escalation of general violence in their areas, while others fled targeted persecution, including members of religious and ethnic minorities, journalists, scholars, LGBT Iraqis, and those who formerly worked with Americans or other Westerners – whether military, government, or aid agency.

As long as the factors that led to their displacement persist, returning home will never be an option. Instead, these displaced individuals and families must seek refuge elsewhere, and sometimes that can only be found in a foreign country. It cannot be overstated that when vulnerable Iraqis seek resettlement outside Iraq, they do so as a last resort.

Yet despite the continuing large number of Iraqis seeking that last resort and the urgency of so many of their cases, there has been a precipitous drop in the rate of refugee admission to the U.S.  In fact, since 2011, fewer Iraqi refugees have been admitted for resettlement in the US than at any time since 2007.

*As of March 31, 2012.

As you can tell from the numbers alone, that admissions for not only Iraqis, but all refugees, have fallen. Why has there been such a precipitous drop?

Earlier this year I sought that answer at a briefing on “The Plight of At Risk Iraqis” with experts from the Iraqi Refugee Assistance Project, The List Project, The Becket Fund for Religious Liberty, and the US Conference of Catholic Bishops.

All of the panelists came to the same conclusion: applications for refugee resettlement are poorly coordinated, take far too long, and are subject to excessive security clearances that often wrongly disqualify legitimate applicants. They also stressed that the lengthy in-country processing time for each application, at least two years, can be lethal for Iraqis who are at risk of violence and persecution.

You might be asking: Why does it take so long? There are multiple steps to completing the application, not only does each step take months to complete, but they must be completed in a specific order and expire after a designated amount of time, ranging from 12 weeks to 15 months. The execution of a refugee application could be rightfully compared to cooking a Thanksgiving dinner for a large family. Imagine having to plan the hors d’oeuvres,  main course, and dessert and coffee. Except in this instance, if anything burns or cools, you have to start the whole process over again. To me, who once spent 11 hours cooking a Thanksgiving meal for 7 and burned the stuffing beyond recognition, it sounds expensive, time consuming, and nearly impossible.

Furthermore, the process is discouragingly complex. To begin with, an applicant must have a preliminary interview and case screening with UNHCR or another non-governmental refugee agency approved by the U.S. Department of State to submit resettlement referrals. The applicants travel to UNHCR in various satellite cities in Turkey, or the UNHCR offices in Damascus, Amman, or Cairo. The applicants that are approved by UNHCR are referred to the Refugee Coordinator for the region, who then sends the information to the relevant Resettlement Support Center.

Once the applications are in the hands of the local Resettlement Support Center (RSC), every refugee goes through several security checks, all of which look for records of crime, fraud, misconduct, or security concerns in multiple databases throughout different levels of government and in multiple countries.

Because security checks often take several months or longer, many Iraqis are continuously renewing old checks while waiting for others to clear. One expert in refugee and immigration law told me that the system is so faulty some Iraqis have attempted the application 5 or 6 times! Each time they have to start over because their old clearances, medical checks, fingerprint checks, or assurances of aid had expired before their new clearances were processed.

The problem is the parameters of the security checks are not all-encompassing.  There is not one singular check which satisfies all the agencies’ security needs.

Aside from problems between these interdependent agencies, there are still other barriers to successful relocation. To start with, the application status of immediate family members affect one another. That is to say, even an ideal applicant will be put “on hold” if their brother’s application is flagged because of a security concern. Then one of the applicant’s security checks will expire and they will have to renew it, even while “on hold.”

There are also errors and discrepancies in the system because of the pronunciation of names. For example, if one ID says Mohamed and one says Mahmud – that would need two checks because of different pronunciation. Also, every single one of an applicant’s “identity documents” must be authenticated before that person is accepted. Unfortunately, there is no clear definition of what an “identity document” means. It includes, but is not limited to, a passport, driver’s license, and certain legal forms. Because many forms of documentation are acceptable, complications and errors can arise. Refugees living in Syria or Jordan who fled quickly to avoid serious harm often lose their identity documents or are forced to leave them behind. It is nearly impossible for them to get replacements.

Finally, if an applicant has a common name, a large number of hits can come up in their security check. There isn’t enough manpower to individually investigate each one, so the applicant is given a “no decision” status, which leaves the applicant in a kind of bureaucratic black hole. Also, there is no appeal process for any outcome. Applicants can file a Request for Reconsideration, but they must present new facts or show that the officer’s decision making was flawed.

Between November of 2010 and February of  2011 (sources vary), the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) introduced additional security checks, which added stress to an already complicated, fragile system. The effect has been ever-increasing in-country processing time and caused a drastic reduction in the numbers of accepted Iraqi refugees.

The U.S. refugee protection system is a life-saving program that must be safeguarded. That includes making sure that no one who would ever pose a risk to our national security is ever admitted into the U.S.  However, based on the issues described above, clearly there is significant room for improvement.

As stated at the briefing I attended, refugee advocates argue that, with a few common sense adjustments, the United States can adequately screen for national security concerns while still opening our border to refugees.  Given last year’s introduction of additional security checks, the entire schedule of procedures ought to be revisited and better synchronized to prevent unnecessary delays for individuals who are at risk, and in some cases, in imminent danger. For example, DHS could extend the validity period on certain checks to better reflect average processing time. It is our understanding that the agencies involved are aware of the flaws of the system as it currently stands and are taking corrective action.

In the months to come, we hope to see meaningful results in the form of increased refugee admissions, and by extension, increased refugee protection. So far, numbers are still down, and even though we know that the agencies involved are striving to improve their system and help a greater number of people, we haven’t seen any improvements. You can be sure that we will continue to monitor this situation and report updates as they occur.

For Iraqis, the U.S. has an added moral obligation to do more to help. It was our country that invaded Iraq and contributed to the conditions that forced so many Iraqis to flee their homes.  

Image courtesy of Mid East Daily

As the granddaughter of two immigrant families, I know what opportunity and freedom from persecution meant to my grandparents, and so do many of you. The poet Emma Lazarus likewise understood the importance of what America offers to those fleeing persecution when she penned the iconic words: “Give me your tired, your poor/Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free”. That has become a defining value of our nation, and it has made the United States of America into the strong, diverse, and vibrant country that we are today. As a defining value, we must ensure that the United States of America remains a place of refuge for those who are genuinely in need and yearning to be free.

EPIC’s series on the Iraqi displacement crisis continues. Read the full series and tell us what you think. We also welcome your own stories about the plight of displaced and vulnerable Iraqis. Join the conversation on Twitter @enablingpeace (#Iraqis #refugees) and on Facebook at www.facebook.org/epicusa or write me directly at JBiglow@epic-usa.org.

Iraqi refugees protest in front of the offices of the United Nations Higher Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in Damascus, 2009, against how Iraqi asylum requests are handled by the West. Syria, which hosts hundreds of thousands of Iraqi refugees, is the main centre for the processing of Iraqi asylum applications. Image by Reuters.

For Iraqis in Syria applying for refugee status in the United States, the uprising brings renewed threats of violence and has indefinitely delayed their application. After closing the U.S. embassy in Damascus on January 16th, the embassy fast-tracked about 300 “visa ready” refugee applications, however, the vast majority of applicants are left in limbo. Immigration officials have warned that Iraqis who return home will be penalized because their return would undercut their claims of being at risk.

Closing the visa office in Damascus has meant no staff to conduct the in-person interviews – a necessary step to complete the application. According to an article by the New York Times, the U.S. government has declined any makeshift adaptations suggested by refugee advocates, such as conducting interviews by videoconference. “They are caught between a rock and no place,” said Becca Heller of the Iraqi Refugee Assistance Project, who added, “A simple solution to that would be to agree to conduct interviews by videoconference.”

Imagine being one of Iraq’s most vulnerable refugees in Syria. Your choice is this: remain in Syria and face escalating violence, including the possible risk of targeted violence, or return to the threats you faced in Iraq and lose your refugee application.

A recent report published by Al Jazeera English tracks several Iraqis that have been forced to return to Iraq due to devastating instability in Syria, as well as one man who was the target of violence because of his Iraqi nationality. You can watch the video here.

The List Project recently published a similar report, illustrating the alarming lack of options available to their clients in Iraq, most of whom had been in the final stages of their application process. They have also received reports of threats and violence against Iraqis for fear they are somehow instigating violence or providing arms to the anti-government forces.

Currently our clients are hiding in their homes or apartments most of the time because they fear to go outside.  They are asking what will happen to them if things get worse in Syria and whether the United States has any special solutions.  They feel lost and are losing faith that they will be assisted.

Iraqi refugee being interviewed by a UNHCR staff member. Image courtesy of Iraqi Voices.

For these particularly vulnerable Iraqis, it is urgent that the U.S. find ways to resume processing refugee applications, conduct interviews by videoconference, and dedicate more personnel and resources to this cause. For Iraqis facing deadly violence for the second time in their lives, we should be doing more to help.

Image courtesy of Democratic Underground

As the conflict in Syria escalates, hundreds (if not thousands) of noncombatants are getting caught in the crossfire, including refugees from Iraq. According to UNHCR, Syria hosts one of the largest urban-based populations of refugees and asylum-seekers in the world. As many as one million are Iraqi, representing the largest population of displaced Iraqis outside of Iraq and comprising a large majority of Syria’s refugee population.

Having survived a precarious way of life, working odd jobs and dodging deportation, Iraqi refugees now find themselves caught in a situation that increasingly resembles the one from which they escaped.

Why have so many Iraqis sought refuge in Syria above other neighboring countries? According to a report released by the Brookings Institution, until the end of 2007, Syria had no visa requirements and Iraqis could come and go across the border freely. They were able to enroll their children in Syrian schools, and allowed many of the public services available to Syrian citizens, including access to health care. Furthermore, the cost of living in Syria had been lower than other neighboring countries, allowing a family to survive for longer on their savings. Interviews conducted by the authors of the same report have also revealed that Syrians have a better reputation with Iraqis than other Arabs; a kind of brotherly affection or high esteem. Iraqis have also been encouraged by the refugee communities in Syria and the prospect of keeping ties to their homeland.

There have been two waves of Iraqi refugees into Syria in the past few decades. The first wave came in the 1970s to the 1980s. Then, refugees were mostly those who had fallen out of favor with Saddam’s regime. The border was closed throughout the 1990s in political response to the actions of the Iraqi government and was only reopened in 2001 for trade purposes. The reopening paved the way for the second wave of Iraqi refugees, which began trickling in in 2003, but flowed in earnest in 2006, following the rise in sectarian violence. By 2007, the Syrian economy was crushed under a weight of as many as 1.5 million refugees, in a country of only 22.5 million people!

At the start of the influx, Syria had had an open door policy for refugees. By 2007, Syria was facing an economic crisis, much of which was blamed on refugees. The cost of rent, groceries, and transportation rose dramatically. Syrians faced extra competition for jobs, many of which were lost to Iraqis who were willing to work at a lower wage. Demand for government subsidized goods and services also rose dramatically, putting significant strain on national finances. But, despite these dramatic increases, the actual effect of Iraqi refugees is difficult to gauge, as Syria struggled with many of these problems for years prior, and because Iraqi refugees often brought money into the country.

For more information on the friction resulting from the surge of refugees, please watch this video by Refugees International.

Since 2007, Iraqi refugees have faced increasing restrictions on their entry and mobility within the country. Legally barred from working, if Iraqis could find work, it was often unreliable. Most simply lived off their savings with some help from charities and public assistance. An article by Reuters from 2007 shared the struggles of Iraqi refugees who had fallen into ‘the poverty trap.’ Another article by IRIN, also from 2007, states that many Iraqis had been forced back because of their financial and legal circumstances, i.e. they had run out of money or had been deported by Syria. However, according to an article by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, as of 2010, most Iraqis in Syria were still unwilling to voluntarily return home because of the still unstable security situation, low levels of aid to returnees, extremely high unemployment, and the loss of their homes in Iraq, which they were forced to abandon when they fled Syria.

A UNHCR staff member talks with an Iraqi refugee family in the one-room apartment shared between 13 extended family members. Image courtesy of UNHCR. Photo by B. Heger. August 2007

More than 7,500 people have died since the regime of President Bashar Assad launched a brutal crackdown against protesters last March, and the number of retuning Iraqis has risen.

An Iraqi soldier guards returnees as the unload their belongings. Image courtesy of Epoch Times

In a recent NPR article, Zeena Ibrahim, a 33-year-old pregnant mother of two voiced the feelings of many returning Iraqis when she said “It is better to die in our own country than to die abroad.” Zeena returned with her husband from Damascus, where they have lived since 2006. Her husband used to be in the Iraqi army, but after receiving repeated threats and attending funerals almost every day for fellow soldiers, the couple decided to flee to the safety of Syria.

For some, like Zeena and her family, return to Iraq has been the answer. Others still believe Syria to be safer than Iraq, however, according to The List Project, the Syrian government has tried to blame the uprisings on Salafis and foreign elements, claiming that Iraqis are bringing weapons into the country and arming the anti-government protesters. Iraqis have reported to The List Project that they have received threats from the Syrian populace. Similar reports have been made to NPR, describing Iraqis in Syria being targeted with violence, being killed or robbed, and having their neighborhoods plastered with threatening graffiti since the start of the conflict. Those who are unable or unwilling to leave remain in their homes and try to keep out of harm’s way.

To learn more, we recommend the International Rescue Committee as an important resource, advocate, and resettlement agency for Iraqis in crisis.